by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .
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He is an active participant at public debates which take place in France regarding the key economic issues, especially the existing crisis state of capitalism. La Politique du capital is a remarkable contribution to the history of financialization and to the study of contemporary elites.
In his latest book, Imperium: But their resolution will be guided by an ambition to achieve sovereignty in the service of equality and true democracy — sovereignty, because that is the name for collective affirmation of a way of life and of collective decision-making, especially when it is opposed to an oppressive regime such as that of capitalism.
Thus, we enter into the social game of work and organization with full disclosure and knowledge that we shall remain enslaved—joyfully or sadly. There is also a clear risk of depoliticisation, in that events taking place over decades become minor fluctuations when seen from the perspective of millennia.
Most economists, driven by the need to publish, have unlearned the skill of writing books. These advances are always institutional conquests. Capital should offer compensation to the unemployed and to casual workers, compensation for falls in income, for the flexibilisation and casualisation of employment, and the disruption to daily life: Or the tyranny of shareholder value?
Fredfric as it took one direction after the second world war, it took another at the end of the s. This will have to be discussed.
Born inLordon grew up in a prosperous western suburb of Paris, his father an executive in the textile sector. Those who claim to be serious and are keen to maintain their influence and their reputation in the media never mention such things.
An early observer of the subprime mortgage crisishe proposed the implementation of a tax he nicknamed SLAM, for Shareholder Limited Authorized Margin, the effect of which would be to limit profits so that profit making ventures in the real economy are not determined “only by the interests of the stock exchange market.
These external shocks are almost impossible to quantify, but their role is to destroy capital wealth and turn the clock back. Lordon has written quite a few texts in the course of his professional career.
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Why Piketty isn’t Marx, by Frédéric Lordon (Le Monde diplomatique – English edition, May )
They are helpless against their despotic employers, who are well aware that dividing them linguistically makes it easier to rule them. Don’t have an account? In the post-war period, Lordon argues, freseric capital was hegemonic, financial markets restricted and shallow.
Lordon interviewed some of the main players in autumnwhen the wounds were still raw, and incorporated his findings in La Politique du capitalpublished by Odile Jacob: At lorrdon risk of offending the alter-globalist elite bi- or trilingual, accustomed to travelling and given to thinking that everyone shares their abilitiesinternational frsderic, which is perfectly possible and indeed desirable, cannot possibly be as intense or extensive, nor can it have the same impact as action that begins at national level.
Frédéric Lordon à la République, mine de rien – Libération
In fact, blackmail seems to be a fundamental part of the capitalist system. Visit New Left Review to read the article in full. Capital is riddled with them; Piketty skips over the political and social history that led to Fordism, then to neoliberalism. He fails to mention general strikes, social struggles, the power struggle between capital and labour, and their institutional consequences. It is necessary to understand the instruments at work: Political crises, uprisings and what we will generally call, following Spinoza, “seditions”, appear then as a bifurcation in the dynamics of the collective affects.
However justified it may have been, the scandal over the rescue of the banks in was misplaced. There is no account of the key role of the socialist governments of the time, the management revolution or the elimination of political and economic differences between leftwing and rightwing elites.
A Structuralism of Feeling? Alberto Toscano on Frédéric Lordon
People must be patient. Just what is capital? La Politique du capital situates the battle of the banks within the longer-run transformation of Atlantic capitalism.
Lordon cites the Financial Times: It is a tyranny, sweetened perhaps by consumption and entertainment, but still a tyranny. End of the World?
Views Read Edit View history. The eventual outcome was of course the BNP—Paribas merger, creating the mega-bank whose closed windows in August signalled the start of the financial crisis.
If Piketty saw the problem this way, he would have to approve of the creation of a definancialised enclave with adequate protections — severe restrictions on the freedom of movement of capital. Nothing in his career has prepared him for it: But all the methodological rigour in the world will not make up for the most basic deception, so obvious that it has passed unnoticed: In his desire for generalised peace — between capital and labour, the peace of the To complement Marx’s partial answers, especially in the face of the disconcerting spectacle of the engaged, enthusiastic employee, Lordon brings to bear a “Spinozist anthropology” that reveals the fundamental role of affects and passions in the employment relationship, reconceptualizing capitalist exploitation as the capture and remoulding of desire.
Le Monde in French. No tax, not even a global tax, will ever be able to address this.